This experiment also resulted in significantly increased rates of productivity. In this case, Mayo and Roethlisberger concluded that the increase in productivity resulted from the supervisory arrangement rather than the changes in lighting or other associated worker benefits. Because the experimenters became the primary supervisors of the employees, the intense interest they displayed for the workers was the basis for the increased motivation and resulting productivity.
Essentially, the experimenters became a part of the study and influenced its outcome. This is the origin of the term Hawthorne effect, which describes the special attention researchers give to a study's subjects and the impact that attention has on the study's findings. The general conclusion from the Hawthorne studies was that human relations and the social needs of workers are crucial aspects of business management. This principle of human motivation helped revolutionize theories and practices of management.
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Abraham Maslow, a practicing psychologist, developed one of the most widely recognized need theories, a theory of motivation based upon a consideration of human needs. His theory of human needs had three assumptions:. Douglas McGregor was heavily influenced by both the Hawthorne studies and Maslow. He believed that two basic kinds of managers exist. One type, the Theory X manager, has a negative view of employees and assumes that they are lazy, untrustworthy, and incapable of assuming responsibility.
On the other hand, the Theory Y manager assumes that employees are not only trustworthy and capable of assuming responsibility, but also have high levels of motivation. As a group, these theorists discovered that people worked for inner satisfaction and not materialistic rewards, shifting the focus to the role of individuals in an organization's performance. Removing book from your Reading List will also remove any bookmarked pages associated with this title. And that was equally true when it came to the issue of classism among women.
More recently, more elaborate multidimensional analytical schemes have been developed:. Indeed, the list is potentially boundless. Yuval-Davis : Recently, there have also been extensions of intersectional thinking into broader environmental issues, such as animal studies Twine and climate change Kaijser and Kronsell These approaches have further implications for widening debate on diversity, DM, and organizational analysis. Accordingly, she developed the metaphor of crossroads, that is, intersections of roads:. Discrimination, like traffic through an intersection, may flow in one direction, and p.
If an accident happens in an intersection, it can be caused by cars traveling from any number of directions and, sometimes, from all of them. Similarly, if a Black woman is harmed because she is in an intersection, her injury could result from sex discrimination or race discrimination [. Crenshaw : Many other black feminists, for example, Patricia Hill Collins and Audre Lorde, have developed this field further. Debates on intersectionality can also be related to other debates around gender, class, and race.
For example, the s were a period of revision of the concept of patriarchy, and identification of multiple arenas, sites, structures, and historical forms of patriarchy that may operate in uneven development or contradiction. More recently, the concept of transnational patriarchies transpatriarchies Hearn has been used. A related set of theories around men and masculinities developed from the late s, alongside feminist auto-critiques of the concept of patriarchy.
Masculinities operate as intersections of gender and other social divisions Connell : hegemonic masculinity as intersections of gender, class, ethnicity, and sexuality, legitimating patriarchy; subordinated masculinity as intersections of gender and sexuality, for example, gay masculinities; marginalized masculinity as intersections of class, ethnicity, and racialization, for example, black masculinities. Notions of plural, multiple, or composite masculinities, such as black straight masculinity or white gay masculinities Hearn and Collinson ; Aboim , are widely used.
Other inspirations for considering intersectionality have come from critical and feminist disability movements and studies, notably the work of Helen Meekosha and Ingunn Moser on interferences, and from studies on gender, sexuality, and other intersections in and around work organizations Hearn and Parkin These inevitably intersect with gender and sexuality and much more. Intersectionality also figures increasingly as a focus in policy development and policy studies Verloo This is not least through the work of the United Nations UN and the p.
Intersectionality is open to many uses and abuses Lewis ; Pringle ; also see Lewis Broader geographical, geopolitical, transnational, and translocal understandings of intersectionality can also be developed. At a global and glocal level, the development and impact of postcolonialism in theory and practice has been a great stimulus to intersectional thinking, as, for example, in the work of Grewal and Kaplan , Scattered Hegemonies , McClintock , Imperial Leather , and Chandra Talpade Mohanty , Feminism without Borders see Lewis Patil has recently brought together debates on transnational feminism.
Having said all this, there are certainly some neglected intersectionalities to be acknowledged, or at least some social arenas where intersectionality theory might be developed more fully. These include studies of ageing; disability and lived embodiment; virtuality; and transnationality Hearn Such neglected intersectionalities are also a way of challenging the gender hegemony of men. It is clear that the term, intersectionality, has been used in many different ways—between relatively fixed social categories, in the making of such categories, in their mutual constitution, in transcending categories.
The relationship between different differences, both substantive and conceptual, is thus a further aspect that differentiates more essentialist and more constructionist approaches to difference. More essentialist approaches to differences tend to highlight differences between groups and treat groups as relatively internally homogeneous. Constructionist approaches tend to focus more on variations within groups: not all women are alike, not all ethnic minorities are alike.
There are always several dimensions of difference that interact simultaneously and position people in different ways Holvino A person may, for instance, be a woman, but she may also be white, educated, and heterosexual. These could be dimensions of difference that are of relevance in a certain professional context, while in the domestic context other dimensions could be more relevant. A DM programme based on an underlying assumption that differences are discrete and groups are internally homogeneous is likely to develop very differently from one taking an intersectional approach.
DM has been criticized for treating differences as add-on categories, where individuals have difficulty fitting into specific groups, or can belong to all of the groups at the same time Litvin An intersectional approach to DM might suggest building on the simultaneity of difference s , seeking to avoid constructing generalizations about groups such as women or ethnic minorities Holvino While non-intersectional programmes might treat women as a homogeneous group and promote gender equality by taking only gender into account in staffing, an intersectional diversity programme would highlight not only gender but also intersections with age, ethnicity, and other differences and divisions.
Essentialist and constructionist approaches to difference also give different importance to context in relation to the meanings of difference.
The role of language can be seen as one aspect of context, but is also an important question of its own. As the essentialist view sees differences exist within the individual, the related assumption is that we do not need language in order for the difference to exist. Differences pre-exist language, and language is only seen as a medium we use to express the differences. The constructionist perspective radically differs from this point. According to the constructionist view, differences are produced through language.
Language provides individuals with a way to structure their reality, and as there are a variety of languages available, reality can be structured in many different ways. In this way, simple distinctions between essentialist and constructionist approaches to difference can be problematized, with both existing and framed within languages. Moreover, as different languages have different repertoires of words, different languages allow for different constructions of reality. Even though the definitions of these terms in the different languages to some extent overlap, some differences can also be noted.
While in English and French diversity is composed of many units and it is the variety of the units together that creates diversity, in Finnish and Swedish p. Thus, in Finnish and Swedish it is possible to fragment a specific unit into many diverse parts on the basis of several criteria. However, it is not only the existence or non-existence of a particular word that shapes the way reality is perceived in a given language.
Languages cannot be detached from their cultural contexts, and words within different languages have different social and historical backgrounds. According to this, social categories are seen as dependent on and determined by other categorizations that are themselves interdependent. In this vein, Lorey : 5 summarizes how:. Hornscheidt investigates how people are organized into different categories through forms of naming, and thus how categories impose a hierarchical order [ Hornscheidt : 77].
In this perspective, categorizations are conceptualized not just as linguistic constructions with materializing effects that extend as far as structural discrimination.
Thus not only intersectionality is a contested approach and concept, but the very coordinates that generally underpin the concept are also subject to deconstruction cf. McCall What are the implications of these broad theorizations of intersectionality for organizations and management?
In this third main section we address two main implications: external intersectionalizing of organizations and management, and their internal intersectionalizing; and the placing of studies of diversity and DM in an intersectional context. In many cases, these questions of diversity and intersectionality are illuminated by attention to historical and transnational issues, both contextualizing and embedded in practice.
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There is a need to bring together, in analysis, the internal intersectionalizing of organizations and the external intersectionalizing of organizations through p. This is even the case, indeed perhaps even more so, when matters of diversity, intersectionality, and transnationalizations remain unnamed and unmarked. A move beyond national, societal cultural contexts has been prompted by global ized and transnational researches over recent years, and the intersectional effects of globalization.
Obvious candidates for intersectional gendered analysis are multinational enterprises MNEs , and their organization and management within transnationalizations Hearn and Louvrier Intersectional transnationalizations form the business environment of MNEs, reconstructing their internal structures and processes.
Concentrations of capital are increasing, with gendered and intersectional forms and effects. At the same time, MNEs are themselves vulnerable to huge risks, ranging from terrorism to financial crises and computer hacking and viruses. MNEs operate at the intersections of global, national, regional, and local traditions, and strategic international management, and are thus subject to contradictory intersectional gendered pressures. There is immense scope for far greater attention to such issues in the intersectional gendering of transnational business-to-business activity, alliances, supply chains, financial dependencies, and other inter-corporate relations—formal or informal, and often involving those at high levels.
These transnational processes can be translated into various forms of intersectional variation Hearn, Metcalfe, and Piekkari At the institutional level, MNE headquarters may find it difficult to align less regulated forms of employment in developing regions, such as Eastern Europe, Asia, and Latin America, with their internally standardized practices. A second form of variation is functional , for example, in how MNEs have used changes in trade and financial agreements to move their production and services around the globe.
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MNEs manage hidden production relationships in less developed countries through subcontracting networks employing low-paid female workers. Yet, in such blue-collar work contexts the business case for diversity is rarely made. Intersectional gendered production networks are evolving as a result of major changes in international political economy, themselves intersectionally gendered.
In responding to and shaping these conditions, MNEs have used different strategies, in effect intersectional gendered strategies, in strategic management. In addition, there are intersections in local cultural and religious patterns with global restructuring. Recruitment and appointment processes can sometimes be contradictory processes, with local units sometimes resisting expatriate recruitment or standardization in methods, whatever corporate policies may say.
Research here can be assisted by attention to transnational cultural change and various forms of deterritorialization and hybridity Ong ; Hearn , DM is one means of managing external intersectionalizing within the internal intersectionalizing of corporations. In terms of internal intersections, corporations and p. In the case of MNEs and large business corporations, organizations can be seen as triply gendered, with the global and transnational dimension adding further intersectional gendered dominations, across space, place, cultures, interorganizational power relations, and virtual technologies.
In recent years much progress has been made in the area, for instance, in the form of an edited sixteen-country book on DM, diversity, and equality work Klarsfeld Empirical studies acknowledging the importance of national context have examined several different aspects of context. However, most studies have tended to treat context as a neutral given fact, focused on one or a few of the following aspects: national demographics Glastra et al.
Less attention has been paid to how different aspects of diverse national contexts intersect with and give meaning to diversity and DM. Both similarities and differences can be found between different contexts. National context intersects with the formulation of diversity: in particular, which differences are given voice, and which are silenced.
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In some contexts, such as in Sweden and the Netherlands de los Reyes ; Glastra et al. When DM is adapted to new national contexts it is constructed in ways to correspond to the existing practices of naming and non-naming. It can be seen as an empty category, filled by, and used for, the purposes of corporate management. Indeed, DM is related to different dimensions of difference in different countries. Management ideology crosses national borders. It can thus be a way of managing internal intersectionality.
Not problematizing national context, and focusing on one aspect of context at a time, thus ignoring the intersectionality of context, significantly delimits the way in which diversity and DM are regarded in research. Kalonaityte has shown, by studying diversity in Sweden within the context of postcoloniality, how discourses on diversity illuminate the construction of Swedishness and non-Swedishness.